"You can’t even imagine the worst intelligence officer": a spy scandal in the eyes of Maria Butina

Journalist edition The New Republic James Bamford had several meetings with the Russian Maria Maria Butina, who was accused of espionage in the United States (before and after her arrest), during which she shared with her information about her activities, and later told her version of the spy scandal.

Photo: facebook.com/mariavbutina

Around noon on a hot Sunday last July, a caravan of unmarked SUVs left the FBI office in Washington, D.C., and sped through the city. The rush was required due to information that the “target” had canceled the lease on his apartment and was about to fly away, says James Bamford.

Armed agents in body armor settled near the apartment. Inside, Maria Butina watched the Wimbledon final and was preparing for a long trip to South Dakota. Having just graduated from an American university with a master's degree in international relations, she was going to work as a consultant in the cryptocurrency industry. Her longtime boyfriend, 57-year-old Republican activist Paul Erickson, was going to go with Maria to his home in Sioux Falls.

“Everything was packed,” Erickson recalls. — All that remains is to collect the electronics, turn off the TV and the Internet. And then bam, bam! I opened the door and a team of six agents rushed into the corridor.” Three surrounded Erickson, the rest followed Butina.

“The team came in, pulled her out, turned her around, handcuffed her in the hallway and announced her arrest,” Erickson said.

According to federal prosecutors, Butina’s graduate school and her relationship with Erickson were only a cover; in fact, she was a secret Russian agent who was sent to the United States in order to penetrate into the conservative political circles through sexual relations and influence the White House’s policy towards Russia.

Butyna was refused release on bail because of the fear that she might run to the Russian embassy or she could be picked up by the embassy’s car. Mary was charged with violation of Art. US Code 951: acting as an unregistered agent of a foreign country, as well as conspiracy charges.

Maria Butina is the only Russian woman arrested so far in the ongoing investigation into the Kremlin's attempts to interfere in the 2016 presidential election.

Slender and stylish, with long red hair, Butina seemed to conform to the stereotype of a Russian spy popularized by such figures as Anna Chapman, arrested in New York on 2010, and also a fictional spy temptress performed by Jennifer Lawrence in the movie “Red Sparrow ". Was Butina a real, living “sparrow”?

“Lawit claims Russian agent traded sex for access to information,” ABC News headlined. “Prosecutors say Maria Butina, the suspected secret agent, used sex in her secret plan,” The New York Times said.

Since August 17, Butina has been at the Alexandria Detention Center, in the same fortress-like building that contains the former campaign manager for Donald Trump, Paul Manafort. On November 10, she spent her 30 birthday in solitary confinement, in an 7 cell for 10 feet (2 for 3 meters) with a steel door, a cement bed and two narrow windows, each three inches wide (less than 8 cm). She was allowed to spend on the street 45 minutes.

December 13 Butina pleaded guilty to conspiracy to act as an unregistered agent of the Russian Federation. She faces a possible five-year sentence in federal prison.

After the anti-Russian fervor in the United States reached a level that was maximal after anti-Muslim sentiment from 11 in September on 2001, the prosecutor’s office was able to sell the story of Butina’s “spy” to the public and the press. But is she true?

Last February, Robert Muller, a special adviser who conducted an investigation in Russia, accused Russian spies of 13 of interfering in the election of the year's 2016. And in July, two days before Butina’s arrest, Muller accused 12 of Russians of hacking email accounts and computer networks belonging to the Democratic National Committee and Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign. It is possible that Butin is in their ranks.

Photo: facebook.com/mariavbutina

And yet, a thorough examination of the case by Butina, according to Bamford, shows that this is not so

Bamford believes that Butina is simply an idealistic young Russian man, born in the last days of the Soviet Union, raised in the new capitalist world, and hoping to contribute to the relationship between the two countries by pursuing a career in international relations.

Fluent in English and interested in expanding the rights to weapons in Russia, she met with Americans in Moscow and on frequent trips to the United States, building connections with members of the National Rifle Association, important figures in the conservative movement and ambitious politicians.

“I thought this would be a good opportunity to do what I can to help bring our two countries together—as an unpaid private citizen, not a government employee,” she told me.

The government’s case against Butina is extremely contrived. But in the context of the investigation of Muller and in the situation that arose after Trump’s election, the idealistic meeting of young Russians with influential American politicians sounded spy enough to continue.

Butina told me her story during several long lunches that began last March at a private club in downtown Washington. She always came earlier, except April 25, when she didn't come at all.

She later apologized; a dozen FBI agents raided her apartment.

“They knocked on the door, and I will never forget that knock,” she told me. “They pushed me inside and told me to sit down. I was in complete shock, but what could I do? It was a terrible day of my life."

The agents searched her apartment for about seven hours, apparently searching for hidden transmitters or other evidence of spyware. However, the FBI found nothing. In her indictment there was no mention of espionage equipment and espionage charges.

This was the second time the US government screened Butina’s privacy. Nine days earlier, in response to a request from the Senate Intelligence Committee, she voluntarily handed over 8000 documents and electronic messages and gave testimony in a private meeting for eight hours. But they also did not find anything compromising.

“Listen, I imagined that I could end up in prison in Russia. I could never imagine that I could go to prison in the United States. Because of politics?” Butina told me over the phone a few weeks after she was taken into custody.

“I didn’t know that it became a crime to have good relations with Russia, and now it’s a crime,” she told me earlier. - They hate me in Russia, thinking that I am an American spy. But here they think I’m a Russian spy.”

Photo: facebook.com/mariavbutina

"If I am a spy, then I am the worst spy you can imagine."

Butina was born 10 November 1988, in the distant Siberian city of Barnaul. In 2010, she graduated from Altai State University with a master's degree in political science and education. After an unsuccessful nomination for a position in the local government, she opened a small network of furniture stores. Hoping to expand her business, she moved to Moscow in August 2011, at the age of 22, but quickly realized that the commercial competition in the capital was too great. She returned to political activity and the issue of gun rights.

Possession of weapons in Russia is very limited. With a few exceptions, pistols are illegal, and hunting and sports weapons are hard to get. But, as in the United States, support for gun ownership in Russia is growing in rural areas.

“The strongest support is outside Moscow,” Butina said, especially among conservative middle-aged Russian men who see guns as a way to protect their families. “Self-defense is the issue they fought for.”

At the time, the National Shooting Association of the United States (NRA) also sought to expand internationally, and Butina was surprised at how similar their views were.

“They talked about guns just like we did,” she said. “It shaped my idea that if we want to build a true friendship between the United States and Russia ... it must be done through people, not leaders.”

Maria created a small group to defend gun rights in Barnaul. Shortly after arriving in Moscow, she posted an ad online asking anyone interested in supporting gun legalization to meet at a local restaurant. “A lot of people came,” she said. “That’s how the whole movement started.”

As the organization grew, they chose the name “The Right to Bear Arms” and began to hold regular meetings. By 2014, they collected 100 000 signatures in support of legislation that would give citizens the right to defend themselves and their property with lethal weapons.

Photo: MARIA BUTINA / FACEBOOK

The group itself was deliberately modeled in the spirit of the NRA

“It was created as a Russian version of the NRA, and we wanted to involve the NRA as much as possible,” said a former member, who asked that his name not be used for fear of retaliation in Russia.

But unlike the NRA, which has become closely associated with the conservative movement in the United States, Butina’s group sought support from the entire political spectrum.

“I’m a supporter of gun rights,” Butina said. “It didn’t matter to me whether I spoke from the left or the right, from the government or the opposition. There was a slogan on my office door: Anyone who supports gun rights can come in, but leave their flag outside the door.”

Butina has become widely known for her public support for gun rights in Russia, often appearing on television, in newspapers and magazines, at rallies and protests. The work was sometimes dangerous, and surveillance is ubiquitous.

“She was under constant surveillance by the FSB in Russia,” Erickson said, referring to the Russian intelligence agency. “They went to all the public meetings of her group and all the rallies. Sometimes we just came to her office once a week.”

“We were being watched,” Butina told me, “but if you don’t cross the line, no one will go to prison. The question is: are you crossing that line? Do you become dangerous to the regime at a certain point? I had a bag in the hallway at home - in case I was jailed, someone could bring it to me. This is my reality."

October 30 Butina's 2013 went to Sheremetyevo Airport in Moscow to meet with two Americans who, she hoped, would support her young organization: David Keen, former president of the NRA, who was invited to speak at the “Rights to Bear Arms” meeting; and Paul Erickson, who acted as Keen's "bodyguard".

These two were closely associated with the conservative centers of America.

Keen, who is now 73 of the year, was not only the president of the NRA, but also the former chairman of the American Conservative Union. Erickson was an experienced partisan (February 6, a federal grand jury charged Erickson with 11 cases of electronic fraud and money laundering in a case not connected with Maria Butina.)

Butina and Kin met through a mutual friend: Alexander Torshin. 65-year-old Torshin, an ardent supporter of weapons, was a senator in the Duma and first deputy chairman of the Federation Council, the upper house of the Russian parliament. Torshin was one of the first supporters of Butina and the right to bear arms.

“We will start organizing our own Russian NRA,” he tweeted in 2012, shortly after meeting Butina. A month later, he invited her and other gun rights supporters to the Duma to discuss possible legislative action to change gun laws.

Torshin often traveled to the United States. “His obsessions were brought to the United States twice a year for the NRA and the National Prayer Breakfast,” Erickson said. Keane, who described Torshin as "sort of the rabbi of gun rights in Russia," met him several years ago during one of those trips and the two developed a friendship.

“Keen is a very insightful person,” Erickson said. “He talked to Torshin, got to know him a little and came to the conclusion that Torshin was honest, which is rare in Russian politics.” At one point, Keene invited Torshin to speak with the NRA Legislative Affairs Committee in Washington. This, in turn, contributed to Butina's invitation, which brought Keane and Erickson to Moscow.

Kin and Erickson were convinced that the “Right to Bear Arms” was a genuine organization and that Butina was a strong leader. For Keen, it was an opportunity to renew his friendship with Torshin, as well as to appreciate Butin, a relative newcomer to the global movement for weapons rights.

Erickson and Keane were initially skeptical of Butina's ability to lead the national group. “It was rural farmers and urban industrial workers; big people, tough people and very loyal,” Erickson said. Will they really follow Butina? Their opinion changed when they saw her address several hundred participants at a conference center on the banks of the Moscow River. “She comes out, gets on stage, calls for order, and all these noisy people take a step back.”

Five months later, Butina made her first visit to the United States.

Keene invited her to attend the 2014 NRA convention in Indianapolis and to come to the group's headquarters in Fairfax, Virginia. On her public blog, Butina posted a photo of herself and Keane near the building. “Experience at the NRA Washington office,” she wrote.

The Russian government noted the fact of its new friendly relations. A month before, the United States and Russia entered into a conflict over the invasion of Ukraine and the annexation of the Crimea, and the United States imposed sanctions against Russia. Keen took a government stance and wrote an editorial in the Washington Times newspaper condemning "Russia's aggression."

In January 2015, Torshin was appointed deputy governor of the Central Bank of Russia, the equivalent of the US Federal Reserve. Over the next few years, he and Butina came together to the annual NRA conventions and received high-ranking members of the NRA in Moscow. Butina translated Torshin, who does not speak English.

One day, after being asked at a hotel in the United States if they needed one or two hotel rooms, Torshin made business cards in which she was listed as his “special assistant”. Prosecutors later used this fictional title as proof that she was an employee of the Russian government, although Butina said that the cards were designed so that no one would accept her relationship with Torshin as romantic.

“My relationship with Torshin is like the relationship between a granddaughter and grandfather,” she told me. “He never ‘told’ me to do anything because I didn’t work for him or the government.”

In April, 2015, Torshin and Butina joined more than 78 000 people in Nashville at the NRA convention. Butina talked to the candidates, took a picture with Scott Walker, the governor of Wisconsin and the presidential candidate to whom she was represented by David Keen. She was surprised that Walker was able to say a few words in Russian.

“We talked about Russia,” she wrote on her blog. “I have not heard any aggression towards our country, the president or my compatriots. Who knows, maybe such meetings are the beginning of a new dialogue between Russia and the United States and a transition from the Cold War to the peaceful existence of two great powers?!”

The government later described the meeting as evidence that Butina was a spy, part of a larger Russian "influence operation." According to the FBI affidavit against her, Butina was a "undercover Russian agent" working "at the direction of" Torshin on behalf of the Russian government to "develop relationships with American politicians to establish ... back channels of communication." All of Butina's trips and meetings in the United States, in this light, were evidence of a conspiracy to "infiltrate" the US national decision-making apparatus to advance the agenda of the Russian Federation."

Keen made fun of the idea.

“She was a typical young woman in her mid-twenties, interested in politics, and she wanted to have her photograph taken,” Keane told me. “She was no different from 200 similar women you would meet here or anywhere else.” If this is their idea of ​​spying, they are really in pain."

In February 2016, Butina traveled to the United States again to speak at the World Affairs Conference in St. Petersburg, Florida. Previously, she had gone to the International Safari Club Convention in Las Vegas with Joe Gregory, a wealthy NRO member whom she had met in Moscow. Torshin was there, and Butina called Erickson to see if he wanted to join them. "He says, 'Well, actually I have a friend, a big hunter, who loves Russia and believes in peace with friendship between the United States and Russia,'" Butina said. “And if you would like to meet him, he is there.”

The friend was George D. O'Neill Jr., 68, great-grandson of John D. Rockefeller Jr. and heir to the Rockefeller fortune. He and Erickson had known each other since the early 1990s, when Erickson was managing Pat Buchanan's presidential campaign. In 2010, O'Neill and his father sponsored a joint US-Russia conference in Moscow. “I met Torshin long before I met Maria,” O’Neill told me. “He was Gorby’s guy, a man of the Gorbachev era, and that’s where this impulse to work with America came from.”

Photo: mariabutinafund.ru

Butina and O'Neill discussed ways to overcome the differences between the two countries

Some time later, she received an invitation from him, which said that he would like to arrange lunches for "intellectuals who believe in US-Russia friendship." The purpose of the dinners was to “promote a realistic and restrained foreign policy and work for a significant improvement.”

While Boutina was studying undergraduate programs in the United States, O'Neill offered to help her with finances. Help was critical, as her parents in Siberia could not afford such expenses. Torshin, her intended sponsor, never offered to pay for her two-year education.

Instead, it was O'Neill and her boyfriend Erickson, who gave her the money to enter the Graduate School of International Service at American University. Unlike Scott Walker, with whom Butina met by chance and whom she would later blame for trying to influence, her real connections were with people like Erickson and O'Neal, who had several connections in Washington, but in fact there was virtually no power. However, Boutina sought to play her part in O'Neill’s quiet campaign to open an informal US-Russia communications channel on the eve of the elections, and O'Neal saw in Butina someone who could help with this project.

However, Torshin wanted to help Butina and O'Neal. She told Torshin that O'Neill "is close to shaping the future administration of the White House (regardless of which side wins)," and that these meetings "should help White House experts form the right attitude towards Russia."

Torshin was “very impressed with you and expresses great appreciation for what you are doing to restore relations between the two countries,” Butina wrote to O’Neill. “He also wants you to know that the Russians will support our efforts.” This was yet another piece of evidence the government used against Butina.

In April, 2016, when the political season was in full swing in the United States, Butina and Torshin discussed the possibility of Torshin’s participation next month in the NRA convention. Torshin was not sure that he would be able to go, because the time of the conference contradicted his duties at the Central Bank of Russia.

“I hope your boss will understand,” Butina wrote to Torshin on April 28. “This is an important moment for the future of our country.”

It was the naive hopes of a graduate student, not a plot by a Kremlin militant, as the US government claimed. If Butina had been a spy and Torshin had been her assistant, she would undoubtedly have been ordered to "process" a truly powerful person - there were hundreds of people there - rather than idealistic outsiders like O'Neill. However, US authorities cited all of these messages as evidence that she was working on behalf of the Russian government.

The May dinner took place at the Army Navy Club in Washington, near the White House. “Maria came with Paul Erickson,” said a lawyer who attended the dinner but asked that his name not be used.” He added that Butina told everyone that she was a close friend and associate of Torshin, and that they had known each other for years.

In the summer of 2016, when news of Russia's interference in the elections appeared in the news, it was difficult to behave in a restrained way. This was especially alarming for Butina.

“Right now I’m sitting here very quietly after the scandal that our FSB hacked [Democratic Party] emails,” she wrote to Torshin in July 2016, referring to messages published by WikiLeaks on July 22 by suspected Russian hackers. “My overly crude attempts to make friends with politicians right now are likely to be misinterpreted.” Torshin could not help. He simply told her that she was “doing the right thing.”

Butina continued to help O'Neill organize his lunches.

Among those whom she invited, at Erickson’s insistence, was J.D. Gordon, former Navy Commander and Pentagon spokeswoman, with whom she met 28 September 2016, at a social event. For the past six months, he had served as national security director for Trump’s campaign, and he expected to continue this work if Trump was elected. Butina sent an email to Gordon.

“These dinners were organized by George O'Neill, a conservative American businessman and public policy genius,” she wrote. — The dinners are private, informal, and NO ONE is there in their “official” capacity. This is simply an opportunity to talk about what smart future diplomacy might look like.”

Gordon responded several hours later, saying he would not be able to attend. But a couple of weeks later he invited Butina to a concert, and later to his birthday. To a Kremlin influence agent like Butina might be, Gordon would seem like an ideal target: a high-ranking military officer with high-level Pentagon connections, a widely quoted Washington insider and a key national security figure on the eve of the election. But instead of recruiting him, Butina fired him because her interest was in helping O'Neill with his dinners, not Moscow with its espionage. It is equally strange for a secret agent that she did not tell Torshin about Gordon.

After the election of Trump and the many accusations of Russian interference, the political climate became even more poisonous. But when Torshin announced that he was planning to invite a group of prominent Russians to the national prayer breakfast in February, immediately after the inauguration, O'Neal agreed to have another of his meals. Butina helped out with the guest list again. Since she first came to the United States, she has spent most of her time talking with conservatives and members of the Republican Party. Now she was going to combine them with other Russians and, I hope, establish an informal return channel of communication between the two countries.

“The people on the list were handpicked by [Torshin] and myself, and they are VERY influential in Russia,” Butina wrote to Erickson on November 30, 2016.

Butina and Torshin even flirted with the idea of ​​forcing Putin himself to head the Russian delegation at the prayer breakfast. They believed that Putin’s presence soon after the presidential election would be a big step towards improving relations between the United States and Russia.

Photo: facebook.com/mariavbutina

Russian government refused to send official representatives to 2017

However, for the US authorities, the fact that Butina and Torshin even talked to the Russian government and invited "influential" Russians for lunch and O'Neill's prayer breakfast was proof that they were working for the Kremlin. The FBI didn’t disclose why it started the investigation into Butina’s case, but it was probably part of investigating Torshin’s possible ties with the Russian mafia, which the FBI was alerted to in 2012 year.

About two years after the start of the investigation, the US government has not yet been able to find anything with which Butin could have been blamed. One idea was to show that Butina was a channel for illicit money going from Putin to the Trump campaign, through Torshin and Butina’s connections with the NRA. NRA reported that 30 had spent millions of dollars in support of Trump, almost three times more than it had sacrificed to Republican candidate Mitt Romney in 2012. The investigation was transmitted to the press. But the investigation did not provide evidence of illegal remittances.

Investigation of the Senate Committee and the unexpected attack of the FBI on Butina’s apartment also yielded nothing. Years of physical observation, which included secretly following her, including at meetings with the author of this article, cost about 1 a million dollars or more, and also ended.

According to FBI testimony, Butina's low-level connections with conservative activists and politicians, her attempts to help O'Neal with his dinners, and even her idealistic thoughts about bringing the two countries closer together were all part of a sinister anti-American plot. This kind of assumption, in fact, is the beginning and end of the case against Maria Butina.

One of the key evidence of the FBI is a four-year email exchange with Erickson, in which Butina fantasizes about a possible diplomatic project aimed at building constructive relations between Russia and the United States, and suggests that such a project will require a budget of US $ 125 000 for participation in conferences and the Republican national congress.

However, the FBI agent in the case of Butina Helson did not mention in the written testimony that no one from Russia had ever financed Butin, there was no operation to exert influence. It was a conversation, nothing more.

Helson also described the contents of Butina's computer, where he discovered another four-year conversation, this time with Torshin, in which they discussed an article calling for improved relations between the United States and Russia. She sent him an article to read. Torshin liked the article. That's why Butina is a spy. So much for the quality of the FBI's case. When Scott Walker announced his candidacy for president, Torshin asked Butina to "write [him] something short," which she did. This also became further proof for Helson that Butina was a secret agent of the Kremlin. Such revelations continue for dozens of pages.

“I never worked for the government and the government never paid me,” Butina told me, and not a single piece of evidence of this was provided by the FBI or prosecutors.

In fact, it can be argued that Butina worked for O'Neill, not Torshin. It was he who paid her tuition, and she helped him with his dinners and events.

Butina's arrest on such grounds created an extremely dangerous precedent. Why can't the Russian government simply return the favor to the United States? Putin even suggested that Butina's arrest would lead to retribution. “The law of retaliation is: 'An eye for an eye or a tooth for a tooth,'” he said at a Dec. 20 press conference.

On December 28, Russian authorities arrested American citizen Paul Nicholas Whelan, a former Marine who was attending a wedding in Moscow. He was accused of espionage. Like Butina, he visited the country frequently, had an interest in it, was a licensed arms dealer, and was probably innocent of anything. Now he faces a 20-year prison sentence in Russia - he was probably arrested simply in retaliation for Butina's arrest.

Prosecutors, faced with a case involving friendly dinners and a small amount of evidence, stumbled upon the idea of ​​having sex with Butina in the role of the Kremlin red sparrow.

“They were interested in sex,” one witness interviewed by the FBI told me. They "wanted to know if O'Neal had sex with Maria." The married man and father of five children denied allegations that he had an affair with Butina. “This is funny,” he told me. “These guys watched too much TV.”

Lawyer Butina claimed that the lawsuit was a false and deliberate "sexist slander." The reason for the accusation that she had exchanged sex for access to data was a joke in a message to an old friend. A friend with humor complained that he took her car for insurance: "I do not know what you owe me for this insurance." Butina answered: “Sex. Thank you very much. I have nothing else. ” A friend replied in the same style that sex with Butina did not interest him. Butyna’s lawyers indicated that prosecutors "incorrectly quoted her reports, taking them out of context, and incorrectly translated Russian messages, changing their meaning."

For Butina, slander was "just a sexist story."

"I am still considered the source of money, the lure, all this crazy stuff." The government also falsely accused her of using her master's program as a cover to stay in the United States. She was disappointed.

“I came here because the children of my generation believed in the USA. It is a place where human rights are respected. They just broke my reputation. ”

Months later, when Butina’s lawyers finally forced the prosecutors to disclose innocent messages, Kanerson stated that this was a simple misunderstanding on their part. A senior CIA official who worked closely with the FBI on many espionage cases expressed a cynical view of counter-intelligence work.

“They want to generate headlines. They don’t care whether the information is reliable or not,” he said. — I’m sorry for Butina; she got caught up in this whole whirlwind. They don’t care who gets hurt in the process.”

Driscoll, a lawyer for Butina, a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Civil Rights Division of the Ministry of Justice, has been involved in political affairs and national security issues for decades, but he has never done anything like this.

“I wake up periodically at night and think this is happening in some alternate reality,” he told me. “The Spy,” who posts his every move on social media; a “sponsor” who travels and communicates openly with his ward; and a “mission” to undermine the United States by having friendly dinners with Russians and Americans seeking peace.”

November 23 Butina’s 2018, went to bed on a rug on a gray cement bed in her cell. Shel 81 day in solitary confinement. A few hours later, in the middle of the night, she was awakened and headed for the new 2E05 camera, which had a solid steel door and no communication. The prosecutors hoped to force her to plead guilty and even agreed to drop the main charge from her: acting as an unregistered foreign agent of Russia. Fifteen days later, still alone, she signed an agreement, pleading guilty to a lesser charge, one conspiracy.

During our interviews before her arrest, Butina told me that she was a "big fan" of Alice's Adventures in Wonderland. “I love this story,” she said. “For some reason she fascinates me.” Everything seems simple, but it’s such a complex story.”

Leaving the plane to go to graduate school, at the very beginning of the Trump-Russia maelstrom, she, like Alice, began to fall into the rabbit hole.

Read also on ForumDaily:

The criminals of the year: our people arrested in the US in 2018

Passed her boss: what else did Maria Butina admit

US Prosecutor's Office admitted that she was wrong in the accusations of Russian women Butina

'Privyet Maria, kak di la': how Butina communicated with a member of the Trump team

How Maria Butina fooled the Russian opposition - ForumDaily exclusive

Who is Paul Erickson, through whom the Russian woman Butina tried to break into American politics

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