'Letter of the 103s': Hundreds of American Politicians Call for Relations with Russia

“It’s time to reconsider our policy towards Russia,” is the headline of the publication Politico published an open letter from 103 American politicians and experts declaring that "America's current combination of sanctions and diplomacy is not working." In Russia this appeal was called “Letter of 103”. We publish the text of the letter translated into Russian.

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“Relations between the United States and Russia have reached a dangerous impasse, threatening US national interests. The danger of a military confrontation that could escalate into a nuclear one is real again. We are sliding into a bitter nuclear arms race, and our foreign policy arsenal is reduced largely to reactions, sanctions, public shaming and congressional resolutions. The global Covid-19 pandemic and the associated severe global economic downturn, rather than promoting cooperation, have only intensified the current downward trajectory.

Meanwhile, the enormous challenges to peace and our well-being that require cooperation between the United States and Russia, including the existential threats of nuclear war and climate change, remain unaddressed. Because the stakes are so high in both the risks they entail and the costs involved, we believe that careful, impartial analysis and a change in our current course is imperative.

On the subject: The United States has published a report on how Russian propaganda works: visually

We do this with our eyes open. Russia complicates our actions, even interferes with them, especially on its vast periphery in Europe and Asia. She seized territories in Ukraine and Georgia. This calls into question our role as a global leader and the world order that we have helped build. It interferes with our domestic politics, exacerbating divisions and staining our democratic reputation. At best, our relationship will remain a mixture of competition and cooperation. The policy challenge will be to find the most beneficial and secure balance between the two. To this end, we propose six general rules of US policy:

• We must first find a way to effectively combat Russian interference in US elections and, most importantly, block any attempts to undermine the voting process. Strengthening our election infrastructure, sanctions against Russians who weaponize stolen information, and countering Russia's ability to hack our systems are all necessary measures. This is how Russian disinformation is exposed. However, we must also engage Russia in negotiations outside the public eye, focusing on each side's ability to cause extensive damage to the other's critical infrastructure.

• There is no point in the fact that the two countries with the power to destroy each other and put an end to civilization in its known form in 30 minutes, did not have fully functioning diplomatic relations. In the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis, key contacts with the government were cut off, consulates were closed, and the staff of embassies fell sharply. Too often, we mistakenly view diplomatic contacts as rewards for good behavior, but they are aimed at advancing our interests and delivering tough messages. We need them as an essential element of security to minimize misconceptions and miscalculations that can lead to unwanted war. Restoring normal diplomatic contacts should be a top priority for the White House and supported by Congress.

• Our strategic position must be one that served us well during the Cold War: a balanced commitment to containment and detente. Thus, while supporting our defenses, we must also engage Russia in a serious and ongoing strategic dialogue aimed at addressing deeper sources of mistrust and hostility, while at the same time focusing on the serious and urgent security challenges facing both countries:

• There is an urgent need to restore U.S. and Russian leadership in managing a nuclear world made more dangerous by destabilizing technologies, changing attitudes toward the use of nuclear weapons, the abandonment of nuclear agreements, and new nuclear tensions. This means an extension of the New START Treaty (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty - ed.) and a rapid transition to the next stage of arms control to strengthen nuclear stability, carefully adapted to a world with multiple nuclear players.
• The urgent need to make the military confrontation safer and more stable, which cuts across Europe's most volatile regions, from the Baltic to the Black Sea, working vigorously to maintain existing restrictions such as the now threatened Open Skies Treaty and the Vienna Document 2011. and the creation of new confidence-building measures.

• The success of US-Chinese policies will depend in large part on whether the state of US-Russia relations allows for trilateral cooperation on critical issues. Our current policies reinforce Russia's readiness to accommodate the least constructive aspects of China's US policy. Moving the arrow in the opposite direction won't be easy, but that should be our goal.

• On important issues where US and Russian interests are in real conflict, such as Ukraine and Syria, the US must remain firm on principles shared with our allies that are critical to a fair outcome. However, more attention should be paid to the cumulative effect that measured and incremental steps forward can have on the relationship as a whole, and in turn, on the potential for improving relationships for further steps forward.

• While sanctions must be part of our Russia policy, they must be wisely targeted and used in conjunction with other elements of national power, especially diplomacy. The steady accumulation of sanctions as punishment for Russia's actions in Crimea and eastern Ukraine, the Salisbury poisoning, violations of the INF Treaty (Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty) and election interference are reducing any incentive Moscow may have to changes in course, since it considers these sanctions permanent. We need to restore flexibility to our sanctions regime by focusing on targeted sanctions that can be quickly eased in exchange for Russian steps that move negotiations toward an acceptable resolution to outstanding conflicts, including Russia's apparent efforts to end interference in our electoral process. This will require political will from both the White House and Congress.

On the subject: U.S. Senate report: Russian oligarchs secretly bought art to bypass sanctions

Ultimately, the reality is that Russia under Vladimir Putin operates within a strategic framework deeply rooted in nationalist traditions that resonate with both elites and the public. A possible successor, even a democratically minded one, will most likely act within the same framework. It is a mistake to assume that US policy is based on the assumption that we can and should change this structure. Likewise, it would be unwise to think that we have no choice but to stick to current policies. We must deal with Russia as it is, not as we would like it to be, playing to its strengths but remaining open to diplomacy. With this focus, we can both meet the challenge posed by Russia and strive to take our relationship on a more constructive path. Failure to do so is costly."

Among the 103 signers of the letter are 14 former US ambassadors in various countries, including four former residents of Arbat Spaso House: John Byerly, Thomas Pickering, James Collins and John Huntsman. Or another well-known figure - ex-member of the US National Security Council on relations with Europe and Russia - Fiona Hill.

Why did they come up with such an unexpected appeal? About it "KP" said one of the signers of the letter - political scientist, publisher of the National Interest magazine Dmitry Simes.

“If the letter was signed only by ardent supporters of friendship with Russia, then, of course, 103 people could be recruited somewhere, but they, frankly speaking, would not have serious significance in American politics,” Simes said. “That’s the achievement of the initiators of this document, including ex-ambassador Jon Huntsman: they managed to attract people with quite different views. Therefore, of course, the letter should be viewed not as someone’s specific position, but as an expression of general concern about the decline of Russian-American relations. Apparently they have a feeling that a lot of things are going wrong and need to be corrected.”

Characteristically, the author of “KP” notes, attempts by Washington to curtsey to Moscow occur simultaneously with the strengthening of sanctions against China - for example, the closure of its consulate in Houston. Would the United States want to enlist our support in this conflict on the principle of the “lesser evil”?

“There is such a motive, of course,” admits Symes, “although it sounds a little ominous. I would formulate it this way: it is not in the interests of the United States to retreat from the policy that was pursued towards Moscow and Beijing, starting with President Nixon in the seventies: when it was important for the United States to build better relations with China and Russia than they had with each other. This is entirely in American interests."

The original text of the appeal is published on the website of the publication Politico.

ForumDaily is not responsible for the content of the letter and may not share the point of view of the authors and signatories.

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